Accordingly, most large-scale studies employ satellite-based land surface temperatures to facilitate the study of urban heating both within and across geographies. Traditional heat exposure quantities for human health, like wet-bulb temperatures or heat indices, are measured in different conditions and account for different weather factors the most appropriate for a given environment or outcome can vary within and across locations, and over time, making comparisons difficult. This heterogeneity is not without consequence: particularly during summer heat waves, within-city air temperature differences can delineate life-or-death conditions (e.g., Laaidi et al., 2012 Pyrgou & Santamouris, 2018 Ridder et al., 2016 Taylor et al., 2015 Whitman et al., 1997 J. Yet even within cities, temperature anomalies can vary dramatically over short distances as a function of physical neighborhood characteristics. These average differences can be substantial, and create an added thermal risk for the rapidly urbanizing global population, as extreme heat is detrimental to human health and welfare across a range of metrics (Anderson & Bell, 2009 Hsiang et al., 2013). Key PointsĬhanges in land cover due to urbanization alter the local surface energy balance, often raising city temperatures at the surface, in the subsurface, and in the atmosphere, compared to their rural surroundings (Grimmond, 2007). Systematically, the disproportionate heat surface exposures faced by minority communities are due to more built-up neighborhoods, less vegetation, and-to a lesser extent-higher population density. Although individual locations have different histories that have contributed to race- and class-based geographies, we find that the physical features of the urban environments driving these surface heat exposure gradients are fairly uniform across the country. This holds in counties with both large and small spreads in these population shares, and for 71% of all counties the significant racial urban heat disparities persist even when adjusting for income. Here, drawing on urban temperature anomalies during extreme summer surface temperature events from all 1,056 US counties with more than 10 developed census tracts, we find that the poorest tracts (and those with lowest average education levels) within a county are significantly hotter than the richest (and more educated) neighborhoods for 76% of these counties (54% for education) we also find that neighborhoods with higher Black, Hispanic, and Asian population shares are hotter than the more White, non-Hispanic areas in each county. While a rich literature has documented neighborhood-level disparities in urban heat exposures in individual cities, data constraints have precluded comparisons across locations. © 2022 Suzuki Motor USA, LLC.Here we use remotely sensed land surface temperature measurements to explore the distribution of the United States’ urban heating burden, both at high resolution (within cities or counties) and at scale (across the whole contiguous United States). Suzuki, the “S” logo, and Suzuki model and product names are Suzuki Trademarks or ®.
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